Hi, I’m Becca

[{"id":1449,"link":"https:\/\/beccaexplains.com\/its-just-a-real-estate-dispute\/","name":"its-just-a-real-estate-dispute","thumbnail":{"url":"https:\/\/beccaexplains.com\/wp-content\/uploads\/2024\/09\/Copy-of-\u05d6\u05d4-\u05e8\u05e7-\u05e1\u05db\u05e1\u05db\u05d5\u05e3-\u05e0\u05d3\u05dc\u05df.png","alt":""},"title":"\u201cIt\u2019s just a real-estate dispute\u201d","excerpt":"","content":"Across East Jerusalem\u2014which Israel occupied and annexed in 1967\u2014hundreds of Palestinian families are at risk of being evicted from their homes.\n\n\n\nOften, these evictions are presented by the authorities, and understood by people, as \u2018real-estate disputes\u2019 between two parties trying to define the property\u2019s rightful owner.\n\n\n\nBut, over time, they have resulted in around 150 Palestinian families losing their homes and are slowly changing the character of some East Jerusalem neighborhoods. \n\n\n\nWhat\u2019s going on?\n\n\n\n Property lost during war and compensation\n\n\n\nIn the war of 1948, both Palestinians and Jews were displaced from parts of Jerusalem, leaving property or land behind them. West Jerusalem came under the control of Israel while East Jerusalem (including the Old City) came under Jordanian control.\n\n\n\nOn both sides, the ruling government nationalized property left behind and managed it. \n\n\n\nIn most cases, Israel compensated Jewish residents forced to flee East Jerusalem.\n\n\n\nUnder Jordanian rule, some of the previously Jewish-owned property (buildings or land) in East Jerusalem was used to house Palestinian refugees. While these families received the properties under the appropriate Jordanian procedures between 1948 and 1967, they are now among those facing eviction claims.\n\n\n\nThe law and the discrimination within it\n\n\n\nFollowing the occupation and annexation of East Jerusalem, Israel passed a 1970 law allowing Jewish individuals to reclaim properties they owned in the area before 1948, regardless of the Palestinian residents. The General Custodian, part of the Ministry of Justice, manages these properties until reclaimed.\n\n\n\nWhile the law enables reclamation of previous privately-owned Jewish property, the 1950 Absentee Property Law prevents Palestinians from retrieving homes they were forced to abandon in 1948 in West Jerusalem or in other parts of what became Israel.\n\n\n\nThe 1970 law was enacted despite the fact that most Jews who lost homes in East Jerusalem had already received state compensation, sometimes by receiving property in West Jerusalem that had formerly belonged to Palestinians.\n\n\n\nWho claims these properties?\n\n\n\nOver the years, the 1970 law has nearly exclusively been used or exploited by organizations with a political agenda and no connection to the former owners.\n\n\n\nToday, many of the evictions that take place in East Jerusalem, in neighborhoods like Silwan or Sheikh Jarrah\u2014which garnered international attention in 2021\u2014occur via this law.\n\n\n\nWhile each case is slightly different, they all share a general structure: A settler organization acts to acquire the rights to these properties and then initiates an eviction lawsuit against the current residents. The process goes through the Israeli courts and often ends in confirmation of the eviction. Then, once the eviction takes place (a process aided by the police), the property is used for Jewish settlement. \n\n\n\nState backed, settler takeovers of Palestinians homes\n\n\n\nDespite claiming non-involvement in 'private property disputes', the state actively assists right-wing organizations in seizing property.\n\n\n\nThe Shehadeh family was recently evicted from Silwan, and the neighboring Gheith family faces imminent eviction after Supreme Court Justice Sohlberg, himself a settler, rejected their appeal without awaiting the Attorney General's opinion. Dozens more families face similar legal proceedings.\n\n\n\nIn another case, Mohammed Kastiro faces eviction from his decades-old coffee shop near Damascus Gate, following a lawsuit by the General Custodian\u2014effectively, the state itself. Previously, such cases resulted in Palestinian evictions and property transfers to settler groups without proper tenders.\n\n\n\nSilwan as an example\u00a0\n\n\n\nIn Silwan, the 'Benvenisti Trust' built houses for Yemenite Jewish families in the 19th century, who left during the violence of 1929. Today, 'Ateret Cohanim', a settler organization, is taking over these properties through the Trust, whose control was handed over to the organization in 2001, with the state\u2019s approval. \n\n\n\nPalestinian families, many displaced in 1948, have lived on these properties for generations. Now, Ateret Cohanim aims to evict them and settle new residents.\n\n\n\nPeace Now reports that 15 families have already been evicted, there are proceedings against 80 more, and court-ordered evictions for 100 residents now under appeal.\n\n\n\nDespite not adhering to the Trust's original purposes, Ateret Cohanim's control was approved by Israeli courts and the state, and supported by the General Custodian.\n\n\n\nWhy Silwan and Sheikh Jarrah?\n\n\n\nThe Old City Basin, which includes the Old City and surrounding Palestinian neighborhoods, is Jerusalem's most contested area due to its concentration of holy sites.\n\n\n\nToday, Palestinians outnumber Israelis in the Old City Basin by about 100,000 to 6,000, but, for decades, settler groups, backed by the state, have been working to create a ring of Israeli control in this area in order to ensure that Israel will not give up the Old City Basin in any future political agreement.\n\n\n\nEvictions are one part of this larger strategy, along with the establishment of national parks and settler-operated touristic sites.\n\n\n\nSheikh Jarrah (north of the Old City) and Silwan (south of the Old City) face the most pressure due to their strategic locations. In these two neighborhoods alone, about 170 families (over 1000 individuals) are at risk of displacement from settler-initiated eviction claims.\n\n\n\nThe Bottom Line\n\n\n\nEvictions in East Jerusalem, often framed as real estate disputes, are part of a broader strategy to increase Israeli control over the Old City Basin. Palestinian families, who obtained homes legitimately, are being displaced due to a biased law that allows Jews, but not Palestinians, to reclaim pre-1948 property.\n\n\n\nWhile these cases are fought individually in court, they reflect a larger political issue. Settler organizations, not original owners, are exploiting this law to maintain exclusive Israeli control over Jerusalem.\n\n\n\nBoth Jewish and Palestinian connection to the city is undeniable and unbreakable. Evicting Palestinian families is neither a legitimate nor moral way to decide the city's future.\n\n\n\nUrgent action is needed to stop these evictions.\n\n\n\nSources\n\n\n\nFor free sources and follow up: https:\/\/buymeacoffee.com\/beccaexplains\/on-evictions-east-jerusalem","author":{"name":"Becca","link":"https:\/\/beccaexplains.com\/author\/s9okobw6xjge\/"},"date":"Sep 16, 2024","dateGMT":"2024-09-16 14:50:37","modifiedDate":"2024-09-16 15:09:51","modifiedDateGMT":"2024-09-16 15:09:51","commentCount":"0","commentStatus":"open","categories":{"coma":"Uncategorized<\/a>","space":"Uncategorized<\/a>"},"taxonomies":{"post_tag":""},"readTime":{"min":4,"sec":42},"status":"publish"},{"id":1444,"link":"https:\/\/beccaexplains.com\/east-jerusalem-a-primer\/","name":"east-jerusalem-a-primer","thumbnail":{"url":"https:\/\/beccaexplains.com\/wp-content\/uploads\/2024\/09\/East-Jerusalem-Primer.png","alt":""},"title":"East Jerusalem - a Primer","excerpt":"","content":"Introduction\u00a0\n\n\n\nIn the 1948 war, Jerusalem was split into two\u2014the West was conquered and annexed by Israel, while the East, Jerusalem\u2019s Old City and its surrounding neighborhoods, was\u00a0 conquered and annexed by Jordan. Jordan\u2019s annexation was not widely recognized and the international community overwhelmingly viewed the West Bank, including East Jerusalem, as occupied.\n\n\n\nIn 1967, during the Six-Day War, Israel occupied the eastern part of the city along with the rest of the West Bank and other territories. \n\n\n\nIt immediately annexed Jordanian Jerusalem and 28 surrounding villages into its new Jerusalem municipality, and together now known as East Jerusalem.\n\n\n\nThis annexation was then enshrined in law in 1980 through the \u2018Basic Law: Jerusalem, capital of Israel, which also declared the entire city as its \"complete and united\" capital.\n\n\n\nThis annexation has not been recognized by most of the international community, which considers East Jerusalem occupied territory. The International Court of Justice recently re-affirmed this status and its illegality.\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n361,700 Palestinians and 233,700 Israeli settlers\u00a0 in 2020 - Israeli CBS data\n\n\n\nResidency status\n\n\n\nAs part of the annexation, Palestinians in East Jerusalem were collectively granted permanent residency status, but not citizenship. This means they have civil and social rights, such as national insurance coverage, but not full political rights\u2014while they are able to vote in the municipal elections, they cannot be elected into the mayor\u2019s office, and cannot run or vote in the national elections, the level at which most decisions that affect them take place.\n\n\n\nMany choose to boycott the municipal elections so as to not show acceptance of Israel\u2019s annexation.\n\n\n\nThis \u2018permanent\u2019 residency status is not really permanent\u2014since 1967, 14,643 Palestinian residents of Jerusalem had their residency revoked, most often for living outside the country (including living in the West Bank, which can mean just in the outskirts of Jerusalem) for an extended period of time.\n\n\n\nThey are, in effect, treated as immigrants in the city of their birth where their families have lived for generations.\n\n\n\nCitizenship\n\n\n\nPalestinians in Jerusalem can apply for citizenship on an individual basis. \n\n\n\nSince Israel's annexation of East Jerusalem is not recognized by the vast majority of Palestinians, applying for citizenship can be seen as an acceptance of Israel\u2019s annexation.  Likewise, because the international community does not accept Israel's sovereignty over the area, it also has not demanded that Israel grant citizenship to Palestinians in Jerusalem. \n\n\n\nEven when people do decide to apply, the process is long and can often end in rejection: Only 34 percent of naturalization applications submitted by Palestinians living in East Jerusalem have ever been approved, meaning applying for citizenship does not guarantee one can obtain it.\n\n\n\nToday, only 5 percent of Palestinian residents of East Jerusalem \u2013 18,982 people \u2013 have obtained Israeli citizenship.\n\n\n\nSettlements - What does the annexation mean in terms of the land?\n\n\n\nAlmost immediately after 1967, Israel started establishing numerous settlements in and around East Jerusalem, expropriating, for that purpose, 38% of the land, which were owned by Palestinians. \n\n\n\nAs of 2020, there were approximately 225,000 Israeli settlers living in East Jerusalem settlements. While these are considered illegal under international law as they are part of the occupied West Bank, they are perceived as regular neighborhoods by most Israelis, similar to those in West Jerusalem.\n\n\n\nThe development of settlements across East Jerusalem has separated Palestinian neighborhoods from one another and separated East Jerusalem from the rest of the West Bank.\n\n\n\nApart from settlement construction, land has also been seized for the establishment of national parks and green\/open areas, especially in the area surrounding the Old City. All of this has left little space for Palestinian neighborhoods to develop.\n\n\n\nSeparation Barrier\n\n\n\nThe separation barrier, built in the early 2000s, zigzags across East Jerusalem, cutting off the city from Ramallah and the rest of the West Bank and leaving some Jerusalem neighborhoods on the other side of the wall. This had a profound effect on the cultural, economic and social life of Palestinians. The approx. 150,000 Jerusalem residents that now live on the other side of the wall, in neighborhoods such as Kfar Aqab and Shuafat refugee camp, now need to cross a checkpoint to reach the rest of the city, and their needs are almost totally neglected by the Israeli authorities, which provides little to no services in the area. This situation has led to a decline in living conditions and increased uncertainty about the future status of these neighborhoods.\n\n\n\nAllocation of resources\n\n\n\nIsraeli policy in East Jerusalem aims to control more land while limiting Palestinian growth. This is evident in several key areas.\n\n\n\nFor example, the planning policy intentionally restricts development in Palestinian neighborhoods which, over the decades, has caused a severe housing shortage. For this reason, some Palestininians  end up building without a permit, which can then result in their home being demolished.\n\n\n\nAdditionally, the authorities significantly underinvest in East Jerusalem\u2014for example, despite Palestinians comprising 40% of the population, only 10% of the municipality's budget is allocated to East Jerusalem. This underfunding results in neglected public infrastructure, including a shortage of 2,447 classrooms for Palestinian students. \n\n\n\nThese disparities in budget allocation, infrastructure development, and housing policies exacerbate existing inequalities and make it difficult for Palestinian families to grow within their communities.\n\n\n\nThe Bottom Line\n\n\n\nIn 1967, Israel occupied and later annexed Jerusalem\u2019s Old City and surrounding neighborhoods, along with smaller, nearby villages. It did so while progressively disconnecting Palestinians in East Jerusalem from the majority of the West Bank, hindering the freedom of movement for Palestinians on both sides of the barrier. \n\n\n\nWithin Jerusalem, the state has maintained and expanded Israeli control over the area while curtailing the rights of the Palestinian population and limiting its growth, development, and sovereignty claims. This is achieved through a combination of legal mechanisms, citizenship rights, settlement expansion, property acquisitions, budgetary allocations, and urban planning policies that favor Jewish Israeli residents and geopolitical interests over the needs and rights of the city\u2019s Palestinian population.\n\n\n\nFull list of sources and follow up :\n\n\n\nhttps:\/\/buymeacoffee.com\/beccaexplains\/east-jerusalem-primer-sources","author":{"name":"Becca","link":"https:\/\/beccaexplains.com\/author\/s9okobw6xjge\/"},"date":"Sep 10, 2024","dateGMT":"2024-09-10 13:45:41","modifiedDate":"2024-09-10 13:45:41","modifiedDateGMT":"2024-09-10 13:45:41","commentCount":"0","commentStatus":"open","categories":{"coma":"Uncategorized<\/a>","space":"Uncategorized<\/a>"},"taxonomies":{"post_tag":""},"readTime":{"min":4,"sec":59},"status":"publish"},{"id":1398,"link":"https:\/\/beccaexplains.com\/areab\/","name":"areab","thumbnail":{"url":"https:\/\/beccaexplains.com\/wp-content\/uploads\/2024\/08\/The-Takeover-of-Area-B.png","alt":""},"title":"The Takeover of Area B","excerpt":"","content":"This morning, the Israeli Civil Administration distributed ten demolition orders in Area B, despite it being designated to the civil administration of the Palestinian Authority. During the past year and a half, the Israeli government, led by Smotrich in the Ministry of Defense, has pushed to take control of civil administration in Area B.\n\n\n\nWhat\u2019s going on and what are the political ramifications of this move\n\n\n\nArea B is 22% of the West Bank and under Palestinian Authority (PA) civil authority and Israeli military authority since the signing of the Oslo accords. The Israeli government is now beginning it\u2019s take over civil authority of Area B, a step likely to lead to demolitions of Palestinian homes and expulsion of Palestinians from the area.\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\nThe Agreed-upon Reserve\n\n\n\nAccording to the Oslo Accords, some areas defined as Area C, under direct Israeli military control, were supposed to gradually become Area B. However, by 1998, all territory transfers had been frozen, and 75% of the West Bank remained Area C. This elongated freeze led to the Wye River Agreements during Netanyahu's government. Negotiators reported that Netanyahu was only willing to transfer at most 11% from Area C to Area B in the next phase, maintaining more land under full Israeli control. Arafat wanted at least 15% to come under Area B under PA civilian control.\n\n\n\nThe agreement reached was that 3% of the West Bank would become Area B, meaning under Palestinian Authority civil administration, but with a ban on Palestinian construction. This area was defined as an \"agreed reserve\". \n\n\n\nThe agreement effectively froze Palestinian construction in 3% of the West Bank.\n\n\n\nThe Political Reason\n\n\n\nThis agreement, was meant to last until 1999 when a permanent agreement would be reached. No permanent agreement has ever been reached, and in the past years, the PA has allowed some construction in the area. \n\n\n\nLast month, the Israeli Government Assumed Authorities of the Palestinian Authority of the \u201cAgreed-Upon Reserve\u201d in the West Bank. This step constitutes a major move towards eroding remaining authority in Palestinian hands granted by Oslo, and is inevitably going to lead directly to the demolition of Palestinian homes, expulsion of communities, and to the expansion of settlements to the area.\n\n\n\n Last week, Smotrich toured the area an assured that the next step is the demolition of Palestinian buildings in the area.\n\n\n\nIsrael claims environmental and historical protection as the reasons for taking control of the area, but other actions by the government contradicts this reason. For example, at this time, Israel is establishing an outpost on a UNESCO site and Palestinian farm in Al-Makhrour in Beit Jala, Area C. Groups like Peace now and One Climate have also documented how the state has built settlements in a way that harms nature preserves and protected areas. These actions suggest the takeover is more about settlement expansion and control over Palestinian territories than preservation.\n\n\n\nThis move can be understood as part of Smotrich\u2019s Decisive plan, which aims to dismantle the Palestinian Authority, annex the whole of the West Bank and to divide the Palestinian population into six municipal regions within the West Bank in order to end aspirations for Palestinian statehood. As early as July 2023, Smotrich said, \"We will define the activities of the Palestinian Authority as hostile, we will operate in Areas A and B\" as a general goal and not just in the context of the agreed reserve. These new administrative controls of Area B area are a step towards annexation, dispossession, and population transfers. \n\n\n\nIsrael\u2019s occupation of the whole of the West Bank is illegal under international law and the state does not have a right to the land, its administration, or to decide on long term building projects. This decision shows an escalation against Palestinian citizens and is likely to add to the existing flames of violence and to endanger both Palestinians and Israelis in the medium and long term.\n\n\n\nFor free sources and follow up resources to this post (with clickable links):\n\n\n\nSources can be found in full here!","author":{"name":"Becca","link":"https:\/\/beccaexplains.com\/author\/s9okobw6xjge\/"},"date":"Aug 26, 2024","dateGMT":"2024-08-26 13:02:40","modifiedDate":"2024-08-28 11:44:07","modifiedDateGMT":"2024-08-28 11:44:07","commentCount":"0","commentStatus":"open","categories":{"coma":"Israeli Policy<\/a>, West Bank<\/a>","space":"Israeli Policy<\/a> West Bank<\/a>"},"taxonomies":{"post_tag":""},"readTime":{"min":3,"sec":21},"status":"publish"}]